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Posted by David Shorr
Given the long-looming specter of "September" -- by now a clichéd codeword for the Palestinian push for UN recognition and its ramifications for Middle East peace -- I was grateful for an invitation to join an AIPAC-organized delegation of policy experts for a visit Israel this month. As it turned out, Palestinian issues and the upcoming UN meeting were hardly the only grist for discussion. Other open questions for Israel's future include (in order of prominence during our visit last week):
- Relations with Egypt - where a late-night phone call from President Obama prompted an Egyptian commando operation to rescue Israeli staff trapped in their embassy by a violent mob
- Relations with Turkey - where the Erdogan government threw Israel's ambassador out of the country
- The Iranian nuclear threat - naturally
- The popular uprising against Syrian dictator Bashar Assad
- Recent domestic protests over social and economic conditions within Israel itself
This is only my first post based on the trip, but with world leaders descending on New York for the global debate on Palestinian statehood UN General Assembly general debate, that's a fine place to start. Various motives and aims have been ascribed to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, but the essential thrust of his initiative is to pursue an alternate venue to the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. It's fair to say the Palestinian leader is forum shopping, but not in the usual sense that forum shoppers maneuver for advantage. From his perspective, he's been a captive customer at the company store, and it hasn't been a very good deal for him. Just to press the analogy as far as possible, it doesn't matter to Abu Mazen that he can't actually obtain statehood from another outlet; he's a thoroughly dissatisfied Peace Process customer. (For an outline of the underlying calculation, Bernard Avishai recommends this paper from the Palestine Strategy Group.)
Given that this raises pointed questions about a negotiated path to a two-state solution, take a look at the excellent ForeignPolicy.com "Think Again" piece on the two-state solution by our own Michael Cohen. It is interesting to compare the assessment from Michael's recent visit to the region with what our group heard. To begin with, the West Bank's current relatively stable conditions mean that the outcome at the UN shouldn't be viewed as a simple non-zero dynamic for Israel. As one Israeli expert told our group, decisive success by the Palestinian Authority at the UN would be bad for Israel's interests, and decisive PA failure in New York would be bad for Israel's interests. In other words, Israel would hardly benefit from Abu Mazen's loss of credibility or political strength. (For a clue to the political stakes for Abbas, see Hamas' vehement opposition to his UN initiative.)
And then there's the danger of the total collapse of the Palestinian Authority. Many of our meetings discussed the possible fallout that could result from a cut-off of funds for the PA. If the Israeli government overreacts to the UN vote with too punitive a response, it could jeopardize the current excellent cooperation between the PA and the Israeli security services -- as a consequence only heightening the threats Israel faces.
Like Michael, our group also heard about the deepening skepticism among leading Israelis about reaching a two-state solution with the Palestinians. One Israeli tried to put expectations in perspective by describing two attitudes about seriousness: one that expresses seriousness by promising resolution within two years and another that pledges to get serious and take the necessary steps to resolve the conflict within 30 years. In other words, do short-term timelines really square with a realistic picture for how peace will be reached? Since the failure to achieve peace for 45 years since the 1967 War or 20 years since Madrid / Oslo is one of the core problems, I'm reluctant to suspend all near-term hopes. Still, the question doesn't have an easy answer.
The Israeli views I heard on our trip differed from Michael's account on at least one score, and the difference could offer a hopeful path. Michael reports that:
Israelis are either blissfully unaware of, or not bothered by, the humiliation that is the hallmark of Israeli occupation. Hours spent at checkpoints, searches by Israeli soldiers, and transit roads that restrict movement and turn what should be quick trips into daylong excursions are just a few examples of the minor degradations that are a daily part of Palestinian life.
Actually, we heard several Israelis emphasize these very indignities. Indeed, we discussed the possibility of Israel easing some of these harsh conditions separate and apart from a (non-) two-state solution. Of course, harsh punitive measures after the UN vote would represent a move in the opposite direction.
As I say, I plan to offer further reflections from the trip in later posts.
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