From the Department of It Must Be Wrong If Obama Did It Posted by David Shorr

Did you know that the Libya intervention is really just part of a larger plot to subjugate the United States to "an ever-broadening regime of redistributive transnational governance?" I didn't think so. Well, it's a good thing we have Stanley Kurtz of the National Review to pierce the humanitarian pretense:

Superficially, Power's chief concern is to put a stop to genocide and "crimes against humanity." More deeply, her goal is to use our shared horror at the worst that human beings can do in order to institute an ever-broadening regime of redistributive transnational governance.

Knowing what Samantha Power wants reveals a great deal about Barack Obama's own ideological commitments. It's not just a question of whether he shares Power's long-term internationalist goals, although it's highly likely that he does. Power's thinking also represents a bridge of sorts between Obama's domestic- and foreign-policy aspirations. Beyond that, Power embodies a style of pragmatic radicalism that Obama shares. Both Obama and Power are skilled at placing their ultimate ideological goals just out of sight, behind a screen of practical problem-solving.

I bet you were suckered by all that "crimes against humanity" stuff. Well, you'll feel pretty silly after you read the Kurtz piece. If you had brazenly extrapolated views expressed by Ms. Power and her association with left-wing bogeymen painstakingly researched Power's writings and statements, you would've pieced together the master plan of one-world government. That 644-page book from ten years ago, about the tragic history of the world's failure to react to the Holocaust and other genocides? An elaborate ruse.

Of course the really dangerous thing is that Power's long-term internationalist goals are shared by [President] Obama -- or at least it's highly likely he shares them, but it's not just a question of sharing the goals.

Can't you see what's going on here? One day, a US administration factors widespread international sentiment into a decision to use force; the next day, the American military is an arm of the UN. First, America offers support for the winds of democratic reform sweeping across the Mideast, and next thing you know, Al Qaeda goes from underwear bombers to running entire countries of millions of people. And of course it's a very short hop for America to go from enlisting other nations' help to bolster the rules-based international order, to becoming an enfeebled ex-superpower.

[NOTE: Just to avoid misunderstanding, all of the above was intended as ironic. I didn't mean those things seriously -- though in another sense, I mean it very seriously.]

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For all this talk of smart power, being a beacon of democracy and not compromising your values, Obama has kept Guantanamo up and running, stepped up the use of targeted killings in Afghanistan and Pakistan (so much for due process eh?) and adopted a very interesting double standard in his support of popular uprisings in the Middle East. When standing by your values and not alienating your allies are found to be incompatible goals, such as in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, guess who wins? By the way, R2P up until now is only a convenient label, not a guide to action. Just compare the swift action on Libya and the almost total paralysis on the crisis in the Ivory Coast, not to mention again US allies in the Gulf.LED Lighting
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Critics of President Obama’s intervention in Libya — and there are many all across the political spectrum — have taken a variety of approaches to the novel characteristics of this military action. Some have lamented the president’s failure to establish a clear path to victory (i.e., the overthrow of Qaddafi), or indeed any unambiguous goal beyond the protection of civilian lives. By traditional war-fighting standards, the rationale given for Obama’s Libyan intervention amounts to incoherence and weakness.

Viewing the glass as half full, however, others have declared that the president secretly does want to oust Qaddafi and establish a democratic regime, or at least that the logic of events will inevitably force Obama in that direction. Still others have suggested that a quick overthrow of Qaddafi followed by withdrawal would establish a positive model for punitive expeditions, without the costly aftermath of nation-building. And some have simply christened Obama’s seemingly directionless strategy as an intentional program of pragmatic flexibility.

While there’s much to be said for each of these responses, more attention needs to be given to analyzing Obama’s intervention from the standpoint of his administration’s actual motives — which in this case, I believe, are largely coincidental with Samantha Power’s motives. Obama has told us that the action in Libya is a multilateral intervention, under United Nations auspices; that it is for fundamentally humanitarian purposes, but has strategic side benefits; and that it represents an opening for the United States to pursue its own goal of ousting Qaddafi, although via strictly non-military means. While Obama has in fact taken covert military steps against Qaddafi, and while our bombing campaign has been structured in such a way as to undermine Qaddafi when possible, we have indeed inhibited ourselves to a significant degree from pursuing regime change by military means.

Obama may not have been completely frank about the broader ideological goals behind this intervention, and yet the president’s address to the nation, as far as it went, was largely accurate. Fundamentally, our Libyan operation is a humanitarian action, with no clear or inevitable military-strategic purpose beyond that. There is enormous risk here, and no endgame. We might take strategic advantage of our restricted humanitarian action. But we might not, and, in any case, we are under no obligation to do so. For all we know, many of those we’re defending with American aircraft and missiles could be our dedicated terrorist enemies. From the standpoint of traditional calculations of national interest, this war is something akin to madness. Yet without fully articulating it (and that reticence is intentional), Obama and Power are attempting to accustom us to a whole new way of thinking about war, and about America’s place in the world.

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