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November 19, 2010

Central and Eastern European Young Leaders Encouraged by New Relationship with United States
Posted by The Editors

This guest post by Timothy Westmyer, M.A. candidate in Security Studies at Georgetown University.

The United States and Central and Eastern European (CCE) relationship is evolving into robust and strong partnership based on a common understanding of 21st century security needs. Earlier this month, I had the privilege of seeing this forward thinking first hand as a participant of the Young Leaders Dialogue with America conference in Prague. However, I left the Czech Republic with an entirely more enthusiastic impression of how my trans-Atlantic colleagues saw President Barack Obama’s outreach to CEE than that expressed by a recent blog post by the Heritage Foundation.

During the conference, I moderated a panel discussion on the New START treaty and the role of Russia and Europe in the global nonproliferation agenda. As one would expect, the conversation turned to the Obama administration’s decision last year to shift toward a more mobile missile defense network in Europe. President George W. Bush spent the better part of his administration creating an artificial premise that the lynchpin of U.S.-CCE relations must be the construction of a land-based missile defense system with various elements stations in the Czech Republic and Poland. 

After a thorough review of these plans, it was clear that technological advancements and expected delays in the Bush administration version made the decision to revamp the missile defense system the right choice for U.S. and European security. The previous system had not yet even begun its initial testing phases and would have left Bulgaria and Romania unprotected, a precarious situation that did not sit well with my colleagues from those countries. The Obama missile defense platform on the other hand, focused on the most pressing threat of short-and medium-range ballistic missiles and could be deployed to protect all of Europe by approximately 2018. That is why NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen characterized this move as "a positive first step." 

The United States truly values the political risks governments in the Czech Republic and Poland undertook against the wishes of their publics in the Bush administration’s pursuit of land-based anti-missile stations. The U.S. decision making process and public rollout of the overhauled missile defense framework could have been handled with greater care and created some hard feelings in those nations. However, the security of the American public and its European allies should not be handcuffed to inferior arrangement simply because the previous White House was unable to shed its blinders and see a more comprehensive and meaningful relationship between the United States and CEE. 

The Obama administration foreign policy continues to place Central and Eastern Europe near the top of its agenda. The start of today’s NATO Summit in Libson marks the president’s eighth trip to Europe since taking office two years ago, an incredible sign of commitment given other pressing security challenges in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran and North Korea. Expressing his desire to “revitalize the NATO alliance for the 21st century,” Obama made it clear that that “neither Europe nor the United States can confront the challenges of our time without the other.” 

The Obama administration continues to work with our European allies on more robust and substantive elements of a healthy trans-Atlantic relationship: stationing U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe, maintaining a strong NATO security alliance, coordinating ongoing operations in Afghanistan. Europe and the United States have a shared interest in achieving success in Afghanistan, combating terrorism, fighting global warming, and restoring the global economy. What I heard from my Central and Eastern European colleagues was less a concern that Obama was abandoning the region and more that the recent U.S. midterm elections were sweeping into office political leaders who would push the United States inward with protectionist policies in opposition to these common interests. 

When President Ronald Reagan negotiated with the Soviet Union for the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Agreement – which eliminated an entire class of nuclear weapons from Europe – many of his critics voiced concern that the United States was caving to Soviet demands, “decoupling” America’s defense from Europe, and abandoning its traditional allies on the continent. History shows us that such fears were foolishness at the time and they remain folly today. 

An improvement in U.S.-Russian relations and the continued security of Europe are hardly mutually exclusive goals. The payoffs for Europe can already be seen as Russia cancelled the delivery of advanced missile technology to Iran – the original intended target of any proposed European missile defense system. The lack of seriousness by a handful of Republicans in the U.S. Senate and conservative think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation in blocking the massively bipartisan New START treaty only strengthens hardliners in Russia and prevents verification of the Russian nuclear arsenal that endangers both U.S. and European security. 

There is certainly work to be done as the United States and CEE progress from a relationship defined by one issue (land-based missile defense) to one based on the full spectrum of challenges facing the international community. President Obama’s absence at a 20th anniversary celebration of the fall of the Berlin wall may have irked some in conservative circles. However, I can attest that the Young Leaders Dialogue with America conference focused not on the past but toward the future. Fortunately, so does the current relationship between the United States and Central and Eastern Europe, which remains strong and forward looking.

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