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June 02, 2010

Defining the Foreign Policy Divide
Posted by David Shorr

Some interesting post-National Security Strategy ideas on the differences in worldview between liberals and conservatives. Hat tip to Greg Scoblete of RealClearWorld Compass Blog for highlighting Tom Donnelly's theory of what differentiates the Obama and Bush strategic approaches. Put this together with Peter Feaver's post-game analysis of the recent NPT Review Conference, and an outline emerges of the meaningful -- as opposed to politically self-serving -- contrasts between the liberal and conservative segments of the foreign policy community.

Donnelly is worth quoting at length:

Simply put, Barack Obama believes progress can be achieved through cooperation among nations through the realm of diplomacy while George Bush believes progress can be achieved despite conflict, which is the realm of armed strength.  Both men profess the universality of American political principles, but have divergent views about how to carry American Exceptionalism abroad.

George Bush famously wanted to build “a balance of power that favors freedom.”  As a conservative and realist, he understood international politics as a competition for power, as one would expect from creatures fallen from a state of grace.  Like Jefferson, he wanted to create an “empire for liberty,” to employ power — paradoxically — to promote freedom.

In the NSS, Barack Obama claims that, “power, in an interconnected world, is no longer a zero-sum game.”  Through collective action with other states — not “great powers” but “key centers of influence” — we can achieve “cooperative solutions.”  This method appeals in large degree because Obama has a more expansive understanding of “security” — beyond any particular political arrangement, he includes pandemic disease, prosperity and, above all, climate change.  Obama wants to build a balance of influence that favors sustainable living.

Greg's post does a fine job holding up a mirror for conservatives to look at their freedom agenda, so I'll leave that to him. For me the more interesting question here is to put our finger on precisely where the two tribes part company. Donnelly claims it's a divergence over the desired ends, but is it really? Both camps want strong alliances with other democracies and the spread of freedom. Their disagreement has to do with their views of the possibilities and associated constraints.

Finding ourselves in a world that is riven by nations' competing ideologies, alignments, and domestic political systems, what are we to do? What Donnelly characterizes as an expansive concept of security is actually a belief that nations can join in tackling these problems even while the ideological and political differences persist. Conservatives are skeptical about the prospects for cooperation across these divides -- doubting cooperation will be forthcoming, questioning its practical value even if it is. For them, the proper emphasis is on extending the span of the free world and maximizing its material and political power. Aside from progressives' cautions against the consequences of regime-change as a driver of policy, we indeed view progress on this wider security agenda as possible and necessary.

Now, about that 'possible' part. Obama foreign policy has drawn a consistent strain of criticism, particularly from the Right, along the lines of "how's that engagement working out?" Much of the criticism has been unfair, or downright disrespectful. Peter Feaver's scorecard from the NPT Review Conference, on the other hand, is a well-reasoned micro reading of how the international community responded to the engagement strategy in a discrete episode. I can't deny it, when a policy is premised on seeking equitable diplomatic bargains, it's only fair to judge it on how others bargained. Even many conservatives would concede that it's too early to reach a judgment, but the question remains, what if they gave a responsible cooperation and nobody came?

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