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April 26, 2010

The Problem(s) with US Foreign Assistance
Posted by Shadi Hamid

In a recent post, I ran through some of the highlights of POMED's annual budget report on Middle East democracy assistance. There are some increasingly troubling signs that democracy is simply not a priority for the administration, at least not in the countries that need it most. For example, Stephen McInerney, the author of the report, writes in Foreign Policy about the so-called "Mubarak trust fund," which would essentially pump money to the Egyptian regime without congressional oversight. Why congress would want to divest itself of its own role is more than a bit baffling. The take-away is this: even as Egypt continues its descent into full-blown autocracy, the U.S. - both the executive branch and congress - appear increasingly unwilling to do anything about it. 

In any case, the whole idea of "democracy assistance" is a bit odd and more than a bit hypocritical. We fund autocracies with billions of dollars of aid, then we fund some small NGOs so that they can oppose autocracy. Talk about mixed messages. Often, "democracy assistance" does not in fact assist democracy, since much of it goes to authoritarian governments themselves to help them govern more effectively. And a good chunk of NGO assistance goes to NGOs that are effectively GONGOs - government organized non-governmental organizations. GONGOs, needless to say, have nothing to do with democracy promotion. Even the money that does go to well-meaning NGOs is focused less on specifically democratic concerns and, as the Arabist notes, more on things like women's empowerment, minority rights, etc., which are all important, but are not necessarily clearly linked to democratization - the movement, among other things, toward a political structure in which "alternation of power" is possible.  

So what, if anything, can and should we do?

The idea of "positive conditionality" - that we increase aid to Arab regimes and make that aid conditional upon explicit, measurable benchmarks (which I write about here) - has picked up steam in think tank circles, and one can only hope that policymakers begin to take it seriously. But that would take creativity and imagination and if anything that can be said about our Middle East policy, it's that it's aggressively conventional

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The problem - as I see it - is that the US doesn't want democracy in places like Egypt or Tunisia. Better the secular dictator you know than the democratically elected islamist you don't.

Perhaps this explains the billions to the dictators and the pennies to a few ineffective NGOs.

"Egypt continues its descent into full-blown autocracy."

How is Egypt not a full-blown autocracy as it exists today? Hosni Mubarak has ruled by executive decree for the past thirty years, crushing any and all opposition to his administration. His political survival is essentially dependent on the martial law order that was originally created in the 1980's after Anwar al-Sadat was assassinated by Islamic extremists. Yet decades after the assassination, Mubarak continues to extend the law to serve political purposes, like destroying any opposition movement that surfaces as an alternative.

The Egyptian Government has to grant permission if you want to start an NGO for the population or if you want to participate in politics as a member of the opposition. Otherwise, you can forget about campaigning (as if that will do much good anyway).

This doesn't even mention the Egyptian Regime's grotesque human rights record, or the fact that an inexperienced son is ready to take the post after his father leaves.

The one shining light in Egyptian politics today is the emergence of Dr. El'Baradei as a possible contender for the 2011 presidential election. But even that isn't set in stone.

So I say again, how is Egypt not an autocratic country today? It's one of most autocratic in the broader Middle East. Even Iran- the quote on quote most repressive country in the region- has replaced their president at least four times in the past two decades.

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Very well written.Really neither our diplomacy nor our foreign-assistance capabilities are adequate enough to lead U.S. international engagement.I feel separating foreign assistance from diplomacy can be the solution.

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