Getting the Story Straight on Afghanistan
Posted by Michael Cohen
I really have been meaning to avoid the "tit-for-tatism" of the blogosphere but Jim Arkedis's blog post on my recent piece from Dissent on Afghanistan merits a response. Indeed, he argues my suggestions are a "blueprint for a colossal disaster" there. It's almost as if we haven't been fighting a war there for the past 8 years.To be sure, Jim seemed like a very nice guy when I met him in Dubai last year, but from reading this post one gets the sense he doesn't really have a clear grasp on the situation in Afghanistan.
Take this comment:
Then there’s Cohen’s suggestion to scale back the size of the Afghan army, reasoning that 170,000 poorly trained Afghan soldiers trained by Americans are worse than 90,000 “trained to fight like an Afghan army — not an American proxy force.” Huh? Does anyone have a good example of what a model Afghan army looks like? Why does Cohen believe 90,000 is the right number? And why is Cohen so certain that American training efforts will fall flat for 170,000? And, if we did cut it off 90,000, what would we do with the extra 80,000 recruits to whom we’ve given basic firearms skills but have just lost their paycheck and would now feel betrayed by the U.S.?
One can only wonder if Arkedis understands that the current Afghan Army is currently about 90,000 large. No one is arguing that size of the army should be scaled back or that even 90,000 is the right number (Uh Jim, it's the current number). The argument being made here - and that many others have made - is that Afghanistan doesn't necessarily need a big army it needs a competent military trained to fight not like an American army, but an Afghan one. As Gilles Dorronsorro has argued building an Afghan armed forces of 170,000 by the end of 2011 is "not remotely realistic." And while I'm not certain that an effort to almost double the size of the Afghan military in a country with incredibly high illiteracy rates and a poor tradition of professional militaries will fail, I can't imagine what possible reason Arkedis has to believe that it will succeed - except possibly for the fact that Stanley McChrystal said it.
This is not to mention that Jim provides precious little evidence as to why Afghanistan needs a 170,000 man army to combat a Taliban force of 20,000 troops; how Afghanistan's neighbors will feel about such a large force - or even how the poorest country in the world will pay for such an army.
Jim also hates my idea of diminishing the US footprint in the South and East of the country:
Compounding the sense of betrayal that Afghans in those regions might feel (notice a theme?) would be the mistake of offering the Taliban the safe haven they require.
The sense of betrayal? Unless one get all their news from ISAF press releases they would hopefully be aware that there is a sizable portion of the Southern Afghanistan population that a) doesn't like the presence of US troops b) fears NATO troops because they kill civilians c) doesn't want the US to escalate in the region and d) supports the Taliban. This is not to mention the fact that the Taliban already has a safe haven; it's in Pakistan. Been there for a few years; that this might be another impediment to achieving US goals in Afghanistan doesn't seem to factor into the equation.
And there is this:
There is a case to be made that Cohen offers his strategy disingenuously. Cohen thinks that “the original goal of the mission has been achieved; al Qaeda’s safe haven in Afghanistan has been destroyed and its Taliban allies pushed from power.” But if that’s the case, why would we need a new strategy — why not just pull out entirely? And why advocate returning the Taliban to power if we’ve already pushed them out of it?
I don't even know where to start responding to what is basically a cheap shot (and a false one at that). Jim is right that the original mission in Afghanistan has been achieved; but why would Arkedis believe that I think other missions like stabilizing Afghanistan are not important? Indeed, because stability in Afghanistan is, in my view, quite important (more important, in fact, than defeating the Taliban) this is precisely the reason why we shouldn't withdraw precipitously (sorry Robert Greenwald) - and of course why I don't recommend it.
Encouraging stability in Afghanistan is paramount and will (IMHO) be best achieved by setting more realistic and achievable goals that factor in the diminishing political will for the war as well as the lack of support from Pakistan and an incompetent host government. Trying to stabilize Southern and Eastern Afghanistan, with an 18-month timeline, is in my view, not realistic for all the reasons I've gone to the trouble of citing in a 3000-word essay. But ignore all that "evidence" because Arkedis sees hope:
I also think that the counterinsurgency strategy that Cohen curtly dismisses as “a fad” is a sound plan that’s our best shot at lasting security in Afghanistan. Cohen mistakes U.S. gains in Afghanistan for victory and says we can leave now; I see it as proof that what we’re doing is working and that we should keep at it.
To be sure I see pretty much no US gains and I certainly don't mistake it for victory. But this is a substance-less argument. Jim sees proof our strategy is working and thinks COIN is a sound plan, but provides no actual evidence to back up that view. And what is even more striking about this is that a mere month ago Arkedis was insisting the jury is still out on success in Marja. I'd be curious to know why, in light of articles like this, he suddenly thinks are going swimmingly.
And then finally this coup de grace:
Michael, I’m sorry to be so blunt, but if you’re just sick of the war, it would be better to say it straight out and not offer half-baked, ineffective solutions that would seriously jeopardize American and Afghan security. Competent governance is about making really difficult decisions with the best information available. That’s exactly what this White House did with its careful, deliberative process, and that’s why I’m going to trust them on this one.
Here's what's half-baked; an argument that relies on the fact that the President made a decision and thus we, as progressives, should salute and support. And this is a rich criticism coming from an organization that had no problem supporting the careful, deliberative process that led to the invasion of Iraq. To be sure, I am quite pleased that the President engaged in a deliberate process in his Afghan review (unlike the one that was done in the Spring of 2009), and it tempers my pessimism (ish). Indeed, I very much trust the President; I have less trust that his orders will be carried out precisely or that the military will interpret those orders in a way that furthers their own agenda.
But, I see my role as a blogger and think tank denizen to not follow my Commander-in-Chief because he has made a decision, but instead offer analysis and recommendations that I believe will improve US foreign policy outcomes - whoever happens to be sitting in the Oval Office. Others may see their role differently.
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America still treats it as the root disease. This new NSS seems little more than smoke and mirrors to me, substituting costly counterinsurgency for cheap counter-terrorism. Not only will counterproductivity result, isn't this a tacit admission that al-Qaeda really is bleeding America out?
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