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April 09, 2010

Foreign Policy Progressivism
Posted by David Shorr

Matt Yglesias asks my favorite question about the essential progressive FP worldview, so let me offer some thoughts. They differ in form, not substance from his answer:

the right sees the world as zero-sum. Arrangements that advance the interests of others are inherently suspect because the mere fact that (say) the Russians think a deal is worth signing indicates that it must be bad for the United States. Progressives see a positive-sum world and believe in advancing American interests by means that including allowing others to advance their own interests. Progressives recognize the Hobbesian aspects of the international system that make positive-sum interactions difficult to obtain, but we see this as a challenge that can be overcome and seek means of overcoming it.

It's not that we live in a positive-sum world; our world is small (shrinking, in fact) and interconnected. In effect, no country is an island -- not even the countries that are islands. Given the threat of rising sea levels, especially the countries that are islands. At any rate, it's a fallacy to believe that problems like failing states, declining living standards, weapons proliferation, deforestation are far from our shores and have little to do with us. In other words, a world that becomes more Hobbesian -- warlordism, ungoverned spaces, shrinking global middle class, piracy on the seas -- is going to be bad for us.

So for my money, the essence of foreign policy progressivism is working together with others to address problems, reduce conflict and abuse, and increase peace, prosperity, and empowerment. It's about building an international community worthy of the name, with an effective social contract of basic norms and expectations for the community's members in good standing.

Matt's right that achieving broadly acceptable solutions and collective action is difficult. Another way of thinking about the right wing is that theirs is a lazy approach: since the United States knows what's right, what other should do, all the US has to do insist that others snap into line. The right looks at other nations as objects of American foreign policy, rather than as being free agents themselves.

It's become a trite truism of the globalized age that "no single nation, however powerful it may be, can deal with international problems on its own." I think the progressive approach is about understanding the full implications of this truism, and acting accordingly.

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Comments

Another way of thinking about the right wing is that theirs is a lazy approach: since the United States knows what's right, what other should do, all the US has to do insist that others snap into line. The right looks at other nations as objects of American foreign policy, rather than as being free agents themselves.
This is just silly. It's just a lukewarm demonization of the opponent. It's therefore just a short step for you to arrive at true demonization. Why not just go all-out and call the "right" "capitalist running dogs," "kulaks," or whatever? Why even bother to analyze anything when you say you know that the "right wing" is lazy, "zero sum," and otherwise unworthy of any serious thought? Is this what passes for analysis these days amongst the "progressive community?"

For your consideration, the right is defined by its real-world orientation. They do not strive to achieve a so-called solution to a political problem. They know that any "solution" will carry unintended consequences therefore they will seek the most favorable trade-off they can get and later strive to improve their situation. The left (or the progressives as you like to call them) will look for the solution, which they will seek to impose on the situation willy-nilly, as your approval of Iglesias's line about "achieving broadly acceptable solutions and collective action" shows. It doesn't matter that you love to preen about your desire for world peace, or "working together with others to address problems, reduce conflict and abuse, and increase peace, prosperity, and empowerment. (your bold)" That's just fluff. As much as you pride yourself on your enlightened morality, it sounds no different than the candidates for Homecoming Queen saying they want to work for world peace. At least they're beauties and they're just in High School. What's your excuse?

As a committed bipartisan -- with a record of working with conservatives and counting a few prominent ones among my friends -- I take the point about demonization. Indeed, down that road lies caricature, polarization, and closed-mindedness.

A conservative will certainly understand, however, when I say liberals shouldn't disarm unilaterally in the arena of political invective. I don't think you can make a charge of 'preening' stick when the perspective in question is getting hammered on a daily basis. I don't think one can preen when one is getting knocked around the ring on the ropes.

I realize that I'm not fairly characterizing the views of thinking conservatives. But what I've been writing is perfectly fair to the critiques that have been dominating the debate. I have duly noted it when, for instance, Senator Corker has defended the time President Obama took to deliberate his Afghanistan decision, but that kind of civility has been the exception, rather than the rule. For the most part, the voices of opposition haven't been to the left of John Bolton or Richard Perle.

I'm claiming the moral ground because critics scream bloody treason in response to every policy move to accommodate other members of the world commnunity. I'm staking these positions because of the persistent denials that the United States ever bears the onus to modify its own stances or be responsive to views other than its own. When the tenor of the debate changes, I'm happy to shift my own tone. Truly happy.

So if we end up having a debate over New START and the Comprehensive Test Ban akin to what we'd have had when congressional Republicans represented a broader spectrum, I'll take it all back.

The politics of political invective aside, you're missing the point I'm making. There is a basic philosophic difference between conservatives and so-called progressives: the one thinks that society's problems have no real solution. They only admit of fixes that will consist of tradeoffs; "progressives," on the other hand, will always search for the solution, no matter what, and fail to consider what unintended consequences may arise because of it.

These are basic ideological differences. They are not suceptable to your dichotomy between "thinking" conservatives and the others (emotional and visceral conservatives?) just as "progressives" cannot be divided in such a way. Conservatives share this basic ideology, as do progressives on the other side. This division between the "thinking" species and the "nonthinking" one is just part of your demonization of the other. If they can't or won't think, then why should you consider their views with any seriousness? You'll just try and "explain" stuff to them, like Obama does, in frustration because they never seem to get it. You might be surprised to learn that they do get it but they just don't like it, for their own ideological reasons. The opposite is true for "progressives" when a conservative wants his or her support for something.

The thing to do is not to deprecate anyone's ideology, as long as it falls within the democratic process, but to search for some common ground with which to negotiate the policy differences. People are usually quite willing to negotiate policy but will never negotiate ideology or interests. These are part of their characters.

I would like to say there is a substantial amount of dissent within progressivism and the Democratic Party as to the value of “protecting American jobs.Full-out protectionism isn’t really that popular with progressives, and the whole “fair trade” idea is often explicitly predicated on trying to help poor countries IN ADDITION to helping American workers.

Huitzil--
I find your points very provocative, in a good way. The question of how best to conduct this right-left (or center-right / center-left) discourse is for me a top-level professional concern -- including the issue of what constitutes mutual respect.

Your point reminds me of what my conservative friend Tod Lindberg talked about in the introduction to our co-edited book 'Bridging the Foreign Policy Divide.' Tod cited Cass Sustein's concept of "incompletely theorized agreement," by which people of distinctly different viewpoints arrive at shared conclusions. I think that's what you're talking about. Soon I'll devote a forthcoming post to the questions you raise. Thanks again for the comments.

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Many people who are successful in these new paradigms that can be adapted to find the fastest, or the new ones come to realize that.

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Just want to say what a great blog you got here!I've been around for quite a lot of time, but finally decided to show my appreciation of your wor

This is really good to know "Matt's right that achieving broadly acceptable solutions and collective action is difficult. Another way of thinking about the right wing is that theirs is a lazy approach: since the United States knows what's right, what other should do, all the US has to do insist that others snap into line. The right looks at other nations as objects of American foreign policy, rather than as being free agents themselves." more power..

Many people who are successful in these new paradigms that can be adapted to find the fastest, or the new ones come to realize that.

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