10 Reasons Why the Community of Democracies Can't Be Progressives’ Big Idea Posted by Suzanne Nossel

This past week I joined a couple of progressive brainstorming sessions discussing the new foreign policy ideas that can help us out of the hole.  Oftentimes the question of creating a “Community of Democracies” as a caucus at the UN and a forum for building international consensus is raised.  (I’m now on a flight to Asia hoping to post when I arrive and to be asleep before I can put in all the links, but google “community of democracies” and you’ll get the background you need.   Our own Mort Halperin and former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright have been championing this idea for a decade or more.  Ivo Daalder and others at www.tpmcafe.com’s America Abroad have talked about it more recently).  While the proposal has merit, it won’t work either politically or policywise as the centerpiece of new progressive thinking, and here’s why:

1. The Community of Democracies Already Exists -  Mort and Secretary Albright likes the idea so much they went out and created it, getting dozens of countries to participate in a forum that now meets regularly.   The Bush Administration has continued to support the existing COD.  While many progressives now argue that the current COD is too big and diverse to do the sorts of things it should, I frankly don’t see how we get away with dissolving it in favor of something new that excludes some current members.

2. The Idea is Too Abstract to Ignite Excitement Among the American Public – The American public will be hard pressed to rally around a proposal to form a new international organization, much less one whose purposes and membership are, at least at this point, abstractions.  That doesn’t make the community a bad idea, it just says it won’t be “the idea” that jumpstarts a progressive foreign policy platform.  The fact that a version of the COD already exists also undercuts public enthusiasm.

3. Membership Issues Will Be A Quagmire – Particularly now that Iraq and the Palestinian Authority have held democratic elections yielding outcomes that are worse from our perspective than most coups d’etat, its hard to envision how we’d delineate a criteria for membership that would be seen as fair, and yet encircle only those countries who could productively be part of the forum.

4. Noone’s Clear on What the Organization Will Do – Caucusing at the UN inevitably gets brought up as an option, and certainly it would be helpful for us to have more ways of building support for our positions at Turtle Bay.  But the regional, economic and political agendas of democracies are highly diverse, and its not clear what the group could build consensus on.  I believe one of the original notions was a caucus to promote the advancement of democracy around the world but, after Iraq, that’s no longer a proposition most countries will sign onto readily.

5. Concerns About China May Dilute the Organization's Ambitions – A lot of discussion these days in progressive circles revolves around forming alliances and relationships to gird against China’s rise, without at the same time provoking Beijing.  With that goal in mind, some favor shaping a community of democracies loosely so as not to raise Chinese ire.  Indeed this may be necessary to get Asian democracies on board.  But tempering the organization’s ambitions in deference to Beijing could end up defeating the purpose.

6. A Strong Community of Democracies May Spotlight American Conduct and Interests in Uncomfortable Ways – What if the community of democracies decided to take on issues like torture, detentions, civil liberties, or capital punishment?  The US might try to argue that democracies ought to agree to disagree on these topics, but others might not defer.  What if the community wanted to talk about making forums like the UN Security Council more democratic in how they operate?

7. In the Near-Term, the U.S. Does Not Have the Legitimacy to Champion a New International Organization – One of the hangovers of the Bush era will be that any major multilateral policy initiative we advance will be mischaracterized around the world as yet another veiled American attempt to extend our unilateral influence and advance narrow self-interest.  While we can and must overcome that perception, it will take time and complicate the task of building new institutions in the short-term.

8. No Other Country Will Front for Us Right Now – It is virtually impossible to identify any country that would have the political sway necessary to get such an organization off the ground, and that would be willing to risk, at this point, being seen to do the US’s bidding in such an overt way.  The fact that no one else is talking about this effort in a serious way of their own volition makes it doubly unlikely.

9. We’ve Been Talking About it For Too Long – I can remember progressive foreign policy gatherings two or three years ago that highlighted this idea as the best of the “new thinking” on what progressives have to offer.   For that reason alone, I don’t think this is the idea to energize thinkers.

10. Focusing Too Heavily on This Idea Would Risk Getting us Away From the Drawing Board – Right now, rather than settling on an existing idea as a platform centerpiece, progressives should dig into the hard work of coming up with totally new ones.  Examining the values and policies that we believe are right, we should focus on inventing totally new ideas that speak to a political moment that’s very different now than it was even a year ago.  Coming up with a strong alternative to the community of democracies is a whole lot harder than taking the idea apart.  But its what we need to focus on.

Comments

[Dan Kervick]

Suzanne,

For about as long as Ivo Daalder and John Ikenberry have been championing this idea at America Abroad, I have been arguing against it in my comments there.

While there is some overlap between my criticisms and yours, my fundamental problem with the idea is that in the present era the community of democracies proposal is a nostalgic, even reactionary idea. Its supporters seem determined that America should strive to hang on to the remnants of post-WWII global order, rather than embrace the new order that is emerging, and work to fashion novel - truly global - institutions to manage this new era and thrive in it.

I wrote:

It’s time for a more imaginative and forward-looking agenda. We need to be just as visionary as the people who constructed the post-war world order 60 years ago; and we need to work hard to summon the political will to build a new system.

and

... If a new era of global governance is to emerge, the institutions must be built on a realistic appraisal of the power structure that actually exists, not the one that Westerners might wish existed. We can no longer afford strategic ambiguity toward China and Russia – nor can they afford such ambiguity toward us. We are either going to be partners or enemies. I favor partnership – and we can’t wait around until the liberal democratic millennium comes to China before building this partnership.

To my mind, Ikenberry and Daalder yearn for some sort of Atlanticist (+ Japan) Democracy Clique, where all of the decent and right thinking people sit around in clubby solidarity within panelled walls, regaling each other with tales of the golden age of the American Century, sniffing in aristocratic disdain at the un-Democratic barbarians without, and spinning listless plans for bringing the golden age back again.

As for an alternative Big Progressive Idea, I have a few, but I would like to preface them by making one very general comment about the contemporary liberal mindset that dominates the Democratic foreign policy elite, and is retarding the move toward a progressive agenda.

Once upon a time, the "left" was given to analyzing political reality in economic terms. When they looked at the world, they tended to focus on the way wealth was concentrated and distributed; on the economic struggles among different social groupings with competing interests; on the conditions of labor; on the prevalence of poverty; on the vulnerability of the masses of working people to the vicissitudes of the business cycle; on the control of capital; and on the connections between wealth and power. Their view of history was dominated by a conception of the dynamic interplay of economic conditions and institutions, and the way those evolving conditions generated political institutions. And their political philosophies were at the same time progressive economic philosophies that aimed at various kinds of structural transformation of economic systems. What made these thinkers people of the left is that those proposed transformations didn't just amount to modest tweaks of the prevailing capitalist order - not just laissez faire with a human face.

Now the so-called left side of the Democratic policy establishment - especially on the foreign policy side - seems consumed by issues related to political and legal institutions, and often appears to regard economic interests and issues as an annoyance or distraction - an ugly, grubby material world of money, production and consumption which is a stain on the noble idealistic puruits of Liberty, Democracy and Virtue.

For example, when a few months ago the Russians shut off gas supplies to the Ukraine while demanding a higher price, the obvious economic hardball aspects of this move were lost of much of the liberal commentariat, which seemed only vaguely aware of the fact that Gazprom is a massive state-run energy concern which is competing very aggressively to dominate the natural gas industry in Europe and Asia. Liberals - obsessed with the problem of undemocratic political institutions and process - assumed that the move was all about influencing Ukraine's elections.

I suspect that the contemporary obsession with process, elections and laws reflects a cultural gap of some kind. I've noticed recently that the Democratic foreign policy elite seems overrun by lawyers, communications professionals and academics, while the Republicans have the clear edge in businesspeople who work the economic front every day. The problem is that most businesspeople are oriented to seek the interests of the firms by which they are employed within the rules of the economic game as they are currently structured, rather than seek progressive transformation. So unless there is a genuine progressive left that has a level of economic competence and enthusiasm to rival the right, and understands the world in economic terms, the right will continue to call most of the global economic shots, and thus determine the structure of global power, while the left is fussing about liberal political and social rights.

I have recently been reading Mike Davis's Planet of Slums, which certainly gives a picture of the world's most pressing needs that is different from the one that seems to drive liberal demoocracy promoters. When one considers the vast numbers of people in the world who are living in abject destitution or squalor, wallowing in disease, hunger, violence and ignorance, with little hope of being able to pull themselves up out of the rot, and often without much of a functioning, rational government of any kind, it is hard for me to believe that the most pressing problem they face is the absence of the traditions of political liberalism.

Traditionally, "progressivism" was most associated with material economic progress. I propose that we work to put the "progress" back in "progressivism".

As far as foreign policy goes, I belive that means working for the creation of new institutions, compacts and global initiatives designed to build wealth, distribute it more equally, and lift the miserable up out of their sorry states. A democratic state is a worthy ideal. But a more important immediate goal for most people, in most places, is the reconstruction of functioning state power that meets minimal standards of competence and good government. With a world of functioning states acting as coherent political agents, we can also work on developing institutions of global governance and cooperation that harness the great potential energy of the world's languishing billions to build prosperity for all. It is my belief that changes in political institutions follow changes in the the economic order, since power lies with wealth. As industrialization and modern global capitalism built a rising class of merchants and capitalists, the new powerful class eventually seized control of government. If one wants to build global democracy - where democracy preumably means the equal participation of all in the work of self-government - then the way to do it is to build economic equality first.

In the area of progressive global governance, here are a few initiatives I think we could begin to work on:

* A Global Energy Transition Treaty – a comprehensive global economic and security regime designed to manage the supplies of existing energy resources; stimulate the development of new energy sources; balance the needs of developed, developing, producer and receiver nations; provide for global strategic reserves; facilitate economic reconstruction in petro-states; allocate petrodollars; regulate pricing; and prevent conflict over strained resources.

* A Standing Global Policing and State Reconstruction Force – one not made up of ad hoc posses tasked from the armed forces of individual states, but instead a permanent force composed of soldiers from all nations who enlist directly in the force. The member states of the UN would control this force through a properly reformed Security Council, and so there would still be ample checks on its ability to act autonomously. But those checks would no longer include the ability of a participating state to simply pull its soldiers out. This more stable structure will provide the force and the international community with reliability, cohesion and confidence. The goal should be to eliminate the need for unilateral or “coalition of the willing” interventions in humanitarian crises and threats to security; and to eliminate the conflicts of interest, and the suspicion about conflicts of interest, flowing from the natural tendency of individual states to use interventions to further their own limited national purposes. We need a force whose permanent job is handling these sorts of crises, and who work for the whole global community, not individual states.

* Security Council Reform – Various proposals exists, but the goal should be expanded membership and expanded capacity to act. In my view there should be no permanent members, but instead a three-tiered system of approximately 21 one-year members, 14 five-year members, and 7 ten-year members. The veto power should be more distributed than it is now, though stratified based on membership status.

* A Global Infrastructure Project – a coordinated international project aimed at marshalling and allocating capital for major global-scale endeavors – such as transoceanic tunnels, satellite systems, bridges, neutral hub airports and seaports; fuel and energy distribution networks, communications networks, housing sytems, sanitation projects, environmental reclamation projects and infrastructure for green industrial systems, rapid-reaction public health emergency capability, etc. Large collective projects will build global solidarity, inspire an optimistic vision of a common future, defuse tensions and stimulate economic activity.

[David Billington]

Dan - Unless I misread the electorate, it is my impression that those in the United States who are economically insecure tend either to be Democratic voters already or tend to vote for Republicans in response to cultural appeals. Among economically insecure people who are not in either group, national security seems to weigh more heavily than economic policy. The immediate national security threat is religious fanaticism, which does not correlate with poverty. The longer-term threat is competition from rising nations.

A "community of democracies" or specific forms of cooperation on energy, peacekeeping, and UN reform all presuppose a degree of international consensus. A consensus might well be created for your idea of a global treaty on energy, and regional unions could I think do more in the way of peacekeeping with our help. But I'm not sure these measures would address the national security concerns that are uppermost in the minds of Americans right now. Democrats need to articulate a clear alternative if they want to make foreign policy an issue.

Progressivism (in the older non-Marxist, left-liberal sense) was never directly about economic outcomes. It was about greater political participation and the use of government to regulate an otherwise free market. Nearly everyone involved in development work will tell you that the political conditions in a country are primary to its economic betterment.

The problem for American elites is that it is much easier to liberalize the world economy than to bring or strengthen liberal institutions and values in the political life of other countries. Whether the two parties in Washington are thinking about this problem in a deep enough way is of course the question.

[Dan Kervick]

David,

I start with the idea that progressives can never seize control of the foreign policy debate without changing the subject - or at least changing the points of emphasis. You may be right that the foreign policy issues that are uppermost in the minds of most American voters right now are all national security issues, and that religious fanaticism is central among the national security concerns. I'm a bit less certain that this accurately characterizes the national mood right now - as opposed to two years ago - among uncommitted voters. But let's suppose it is true. Certainly historical events played a big role in generating this concern. But so did the Bush administration's subsequent determination to run with a fear-based foreign policy agenda, replete with color-coded terror alerts, phony Zarqawi reports, etc.

There is no way that a fear-based agenda alone can ever amount to the "big progressive idea", since what makes progressives progressives is that they have an agenda for positive change. Stopping the bad guys is never enough. Progressives need to put forward a long-term plan based on hope - one that faces up to the new world, and clearly and convincingly articulates ways of improving the lives of the American people through progressive engagement in the global sphere. Progressives also need to be pro-active and exhibit leadership, rather than settling for me-tooism: i.e. the same old War on Terr'ism stuff with a few new wrinkles.

Anyway, I think your reading of the public mood is a bit behind the times. My sense is that the public's top foreign policy concern right now is figuring out some way of getting out of Iraq, without making things there worse than they already are. Preventing states like Iran from getting nukes has certainly moved up the ladder, and doing something about the long-termgas/oil issue has as well. And the Bush administration itself has pushed the issue of rising foreign powers to the fore. In recent months, the administration's permanent Al Qaeda terror alarm political strategy has taken a back seat to Iran, and and it has given increasingly prominent attention to China and Russia. Look at Cheney's big media splash this week. The administration seems eager to develop new themes, and is doing so in response to changes in public opinon.

[David Billington]

Dan - I agree that centrists are now looking for a way out of Iraq. But there were doubts about the war on terror in the summer of 2004 that the Beslan massacre reversed in the final weeks of the campaign. A progressive agenda can only succeed if it makes sense especially when terror strikes.

I do agree that responding to fear is not enough and that progressives need a positive and broader agenda. I think you are engaging in the right kind of search for issues that are both relevant and achievable. I won't restate my own view of how national security could be redefined. But I would reiterate that it should be possible directly to address national security concerns through a new and longer-term vision of the military future and to advocate a broader agenda of development and reform. Progressives in my view have to do both.

[jc]

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