Intervention: When and How Posted by Morton H. Halperin

My friends at the America Abroad blog have been conducting a lively debate about whether liberals have become too committed to intervention.  Ivo Daalder has been kind enough to encourage me to join the debate and I am pleased to do so.

There is as much confusion about this topic as almost any.  One part of the confusion is whether the term "intervention" means the use of military force.  I am going to use it in that way. Otherwise, we need to cope with the fact that the great powers, and especially the United States, are always  "intervening" in all sorts of situations, both by action and inaction.  The interesting and hard questions are about when we should use force.

The second confusion comes from lumping together different motives for intervention, especially those that pertain to American ideals, including stopping humanitarian disasters and promoting democracy.  I want to deal with these two motives for the use of military force.

I start with a strong bias in favor of a double standard.  That is, I recognize that we cannot intervene every time there are people being deprived of basic human rights.  Nor can we intervene every time democracy is threatened or an opportunity to establish democracy may be lost. However, that does not mean that we should never intervene.  That we cannot deal with all deprivations cannot mean that we should not act in those situations where we can make a difference for the better.

Let me start with humanitarian intervention. Certainly a commitment to react to a human rights violation by sending in military force would be a recipe for perpetual war.  There are many other things we can and should do to try to reduce suffering, including referring cases to the ICC and imposing targeted sanctions on the leaders of governments engaging in human rights abuses.

There have been a number of efforts to list the conditions to be met in determining when force should be used in reaction to systematic human rights abuses. They all reach similar and sensible conclusions.  First,  we would always prefer to go in pursuant to a UN Security Council resolution, but we cannot rule out acting when it is impossible to get one, especially if we try and are thwarted by a veto when a large majority of the Council is ready to authorize force.

Second, there must be proportionality of various kinds.  We must have reason to believe that the level of force contemplated can do the job and that it will not cause more harm and suffering than it will stop or deter.  Third, the nature of the human rights violation must be extremely serious, amounting to genocide or systematic violation of fundamental human rights.

As we contemplate the use of force we must be willing to use the amount of force necessary to accomplish the humanitarian goal -- no more and no less.  What that will be will vary from situation to situation.  In Somalia it was possible to establish safe havens where people could come for food and security without intervening in the civil war and seeking to capture warlords.  In Kosovo the administration that I was a part of concluded that the ethnic cleansing could be stopped only by securing three objectives -- the Serb military out,  an international military force in, and the future of Kosovo left for another day. 

When we intervene for humanitarian purposes we have an obligation to put into place institutions that can preserve the peace and to help build new governmental structures.  We have done very badly at that and will continue to do so until we create new organizations at the national and international level to perform these tasks.  Appointing coordinators, moving bureaucratic boxes around and even creating commissions is not enough.

On the question of intervention to promote democracy I start with a different premise.  The use of force can never be justified to seek to impose democracy on another country.  There are many reasons for this.  As Iraq reminds us, it is very very hard to do and often will lead to more suffering and armed conflict.  Moreover, democracy is not yet a universal value and I do not think we have the right to impose this form of government on others.  Democracy can work only if the people of a nation find a way to get on the path to democracy.  Then we have an obligation to help them stay on that path.  Once a people have started on the path to democracy, they have taken sovereignty into their hands.  Any group in that state which seeks to usurp that power is acting to undercut the sovereignty of a people and the international community, in my view, has a duty to do what it can to protect the people's sovereignty.

Only in rare circumstances does it make sense to contemplate the use of force to insure that a people who are on the path to democracy are able to remain on that path. That would happen when there is an illegal use of force -- usually a military coup -- to disrupt the democratic process.  (See Halperin and Galic, eds., Protecting Democracy, Lexington Books. 2005).

Even then military force may not always been sensible.  In some cases diplomacy and economic sanctions may be sufficient.  In other cases the government that was deposed, even if originally elected in a democratic free and fair election, may have become so corrupt that there is no chance to bring it back into force.  In those cases diplomacy should focus on the rapid return to democracy.

When there is a coup against a functioning democratic government and diplomatic and economic efforts fail to restore the legitimate government, the international community should consider the use of force.  A UN Security Council resolution, as in the case of Haiti, would provide the best legitimacy, but regional organizations to which the state belongs would have the right to act if necessary. Force must be limited and aimed only at restoring the previous legitimate government.

We must not let George Bush give intervention for humanitarian purposes or to advance democracy a bad name as he seeks to use them in retrospect to justify his Iraqi intervention.  At the same time we should not be driven to the view that such interventions are always justified if only done by the right people.

Comments

[Andy]

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[Dan Kervick]

Morton,

There is a lot in your discussion about what "we" should do, and what "our" obligations are or might be. But we need to bring down this yeasty moralistic discourse with a healthy addition of practical shortening.

States are not moral agents. They are institutionalized collections of individual people, and the individuals are all very different. Some of these individuals possess strong moral ideals that they sustain over longs periods of time; some have weaker and more erratic ideals; and others are more purely self-serving or have a more contracted range of affections and concerns. Even among those that do possess strong ideals, there exist starkly different ideals that often pull in different directions.

That doesn't mean that all national policy must always be based on the least common denominator of popular motives; but it does mean that sustainable policies must be based on a pretty low common denominator. A state as diverse and complex as the United States can only sustain relatively short spasms of unified humanitarian idealism. Idealistic policies can be pursued for a short period of time, but are not sustainable for long.

In Vietnam and Iraq, we have seen the same pattern. The war effort is sustained initially by a consilience of domestic motives. A relatively small but influential group are driven to support the war from mere self-interest; others are driven by a somewhat more idealistic, but still limited, nationalistic ideal of advancing the national interest as seen in strict, conventional terms related to prosperity, power and security. Some want the war because they are simply attracted by the possibility of a good fight, and don't need much convincing one way or another to get into one; And some others are driven to support the war from more universal and idealistic motives, such as promoting Democracy, or freeing a people from Communism.

What has happened in each case is that it eventually became clear to the public, with hidsight, that the war was in its inception not in the strict self-interest of the country as a whole, and that the perception that it would serve the strict national interest was based on some combination of disinformation and miscalculation. And it becomes clear to those who were only seeking their own good to begin with that their interest is no longer served by the war. And those who just wanted a fun overseas bar fight are sore, tired and satisfied, and ready to go home. So these three groups are lost. The humanitarians are left dangling. They are joined only by those nationalists who now fear that, though the war was a bad idea to begin with, ignominious defeat is an even worse idea.

The fundamental flaw of the war party in each case is that it recognized, explicitly or implicitly, that the war couldn't be fought on the basis of appeals to the hunaitarians alone, but had to appeal as well to self-interest, and - above all - national interest. But the reasons of national interest were overdrawn or manufactured. Thus the initial selling of the war was based partly on bullshit. There are some who pass off the bullshit as truth coolly, deliberately and cynically. There are other idealists who help to pass along the bullshit because of their own wishful thinking: they want there to be national interest reasons for the war, so they are eager to swallow up and regurgitate those reasons that they hear, even where weak.

Perhaps the lesson then is that national leaders should avoid humanitarian interventions unless (a) there is overwhelming popular support for the intervention; and (b) it is clearly understood by the public at the very outset that the intervention is simply a humanitarian intervention, and not some other thing, and (c) either the aims of the intervention can be accomplished quickly and easily, or there is ample reason to believe that the support for intervention is strong enough to sustain the effort through to completion, should it turn out to be a tough and costly slog.

[Jackson Allers]

The Intervention Syndrome
by Marek Antoni Nowicki

Kosovo is often held up as a test case for the concept of “humanitarian” intervention. But as Iraq spirals into chaos, diplomats and leaders everywhere are again asking themselves if it is ever appropriate for alliances of nations or the international community as a whole to intervene when a sovereign country appears unable or unwilling to defend its citizens from genocide, war crimes, or ethnic cleansing.

At the center of this debate is the so-called doctrine of the “responsibility to protect.” As the United Nations-appointed Ombudsperson in Kosovo for the past five years, I have had the unique opportunity to observe the aftereffects of that doctrine following NATO’s intervention in the former Yugoslavia in 1999. Kosovo has subsequently become an international experiment in society building, led by the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK).

Experiment is the right word here. Indeed, Kosovo has become a Petri dish for international intervention. Having lived and worked long enough in Kosovo to see the outcome so far, I contend that such experiments require further research.

Clearly, the need for international intervention in crises is often time-specific and a fairly swift response is frequently required. However, apart from military factors, where such intervention is being considered, it is of vital importance to focus international policy discussion on the rapid deployment of a linked civilian and security presence. This is especially true where human suffering is caused by communal conflict, as was the case in Kosovo.

An immediate deployment of an adequate civilian and security presence during the months immediately after the end of the 1999 NATO bombing campaign might well have provided suitable protective mechanisms against the backlash that allowed victims to become victimizers. NATO peacekeeping troops were not directed to stop the abductions, disappearances, retaliation killings, and massive property destruction by groups of ethnic Albanians, which led to a vast reverse ethnic cleansing of the non-Albanian (mainly Serb) population.

As a result of this neglect, a noxious social and political residue pervades today’s Kosovo. Instead of cooling communal conflict, interethnic hatred remains as heated as ever.

In addition to the lack of an adequate civilian and security presence to reassure every community of its safety, the overall lack of legal mechanisms to deliver swift justice for crimes committed during and after the intervention created additional tension. So pervasive is this tension, in fact, that any chance of even beginning the much-needed reconciliation process must now be pushed far into the future.

Similarly, in Kosovo the international community has devoted little time to helping former combatants contemplate their collective responsibility for atrocities, no matter how direct or indirect their personal involvement. Without such an effort, attempting to improve the situation is like building a house on a sand dune.

This lack of foresight about and planning for the aftermath of armed intervention is not only dangerous to the people who have ostensibly been “saved”; it is counterproductive. Unless a humanitarian intervention is structured in such a way that it guarantees basic security, the underlying antagonisms that inspired the intervention in the first place will merely be reinforced, not diminished.

So, six years after NATO’s intervention, Kosovo seems as far from stability and social peace as ever. Despite the frequent assurances of UN authorities that Kosovo is on a path toward reconciliation and true home rule, NATO officials indicate that there are plans to maintain a long-term military presence in the province in order to “guarantee that the political process will be concluded successfully.”

This brings me to another key point: a workable exit strategy is just as important to the success of any future humanitarian intervention as the entry strategy. If an international intervention is to have any credible chance of success, clear criteria for what constitutes “success” are needed from the start. Only such clarity can allow for a proper end to international actors’ engagement. In Kosovo, such clarity is and has been absent; as a result, NATO and the UN have no clear idea about when and how both should leave.

Someone once rightly said that it is easy to bomb, but much harder to build; it is relatively easy to defeat a regime militarily, but it is far more difficult to create a solid, sustainable, civil society in its place. The UN General Assembly should keep this in mind as it starts to codify the doctrine of the “responsibility to protect.”

Marek Antoni Nowicki, a former member of the European Commission on Human Rights and the co-founder and president of the Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights in Warsaw, has been the UN-appointed ombudsman of Kosovo since 2000. Jackson Allers contributed to the writing of this column.

Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2005.
www.project-syndicate.org

[tristero]

Morton,

A few points:

1. "As Iraq reminds us, [democracy promotion by force] is very very hard to do and often will lead to more suffering and armed conflict."

Most of the world needed no reminder. About 40% of Americans needed no reminder. How come none of the people who were right to begin with about Bush/Iraq have a seat at the table of legitimate debate about intervention?

2. You want a legitimate example for international intervention? Try the earthquake-ravaged lands in Pakistan and Kashmir. They are screaming for help and guess who's giving them the most help? Al Qaeda. This is a humanitarian, moral, and strategic disaster that rivals in importance the Bush/Iraq war. And in one sense, it's worse, because the failure is not just the US and Britain, but also the Western governments as well as the West-aligned Arabic ones. Once again, the liberal interventionists -and it goes without saying the Bush administration- are showing they are inept in responding to the very serious challenges of the real world.

3. The humanitarian argument was enthusiastically advanced, as you surely know, by the Bush administration before the war and its amen chorus in the press. The Bush marketing plan for the war -"the new product" as it was labelled in September '02 - was tailored to different audiences. The yahoos got the "Saddam did 9/11" insinuation. More sophisticated yahoos heard the "Saddam is in cahoots with Osama" argument. And the liberal hawks were browbeaten by Wolfowitz and others about the utterly inhuman callousness of letting the Iraqi people suffer further under the iron boot of the inhuman Saddam - as if anyone who had been paying attention needed a man with the low character of Wolfowitz to tell them Saddam was a human rights disaster.

In short, the liberal hawks were gulled. So, Mr. Halperin, while Bush should not be permitted to give all humanitarian interventions a bad name, I think the judgment of the liberal interventionists who signed on to Bush/Iraq has been shown to be rather unreliable. When those of us who kept our senses about us were saying, "No, no, no!" we were either ignored or ridiculed. We still are. But we have been better judges of the role of intervention than the liberal hawks who, right now, are smearing us as "second-rate minds," "unserious," and "opposed, by ideology, to all uses of American military force."

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The international community has devoted little time to helping former combatants contemplate their collective responsibility for atrocities, no matter how direct or indirect their personal involvement.

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I think the frequent assurances of UN authorities that Kosovo is on a path toward reconciliation and true home rule, NATO officials indicate that there are plans to maintain a long-term military presence in the province in order to “guarantee that the political process will be concluded successfully.”

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No doubt, There are many reasons for this and one of them Iraq reminds us, it is very very hard to do and often will lead to more suffering and armed conflict.

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Kosovo has become a Petri dish for international intervention. Having lived and worked long enough in Kosovo to see the outcome so far, I contend that such experiments require further research.

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The nature of the human rights violation must be extremely serious, amounting to genocide or systematic violation of fundamental human rights.

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They are joined only by those nationalists who now fear that, though the war was a bad idea to begin with, ignominious defeat is an even worse idea.

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A quality attribute may also translate into product-level nonfunctional requirements that specify the characteristics the software must possess in order to meet that attribute.

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The Bush marketing plan for the war -"the new product" as it was labelled in September '02 - was tailored to different audiences

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